ࡱ> egd#` >bjbj .^6%       8L*,32bb""3$3$3$3$3$3$3$4h=7H3 H3  ]3!!!`  "3!"3!!0h  R1V + ~0"3s30307 v7 R17 R1H!rYH3H3k!X3""       DRAFT ONLY PRIVATE EQUITY AND DEVELOPMENT TAXATION: SOME ISSUES FOR DISCUSSION Yash Tandon, South Centre Draft paper for UN Group of Experts Meeting on Tax Aspects of Domestic Resource Mobilisation - A Discussion of Enduring and Emerging Issues. IFAD, Rome, 4-5 September, 2007 Objective of this paper The subtitle to this meeting is A Discussion of Enduring and Emerging Issues. My presentation focuses on initiating a discussion on one such emerging issue, that of Private Equity (PE), and its relation to what I call development taxation. This is a meeting of tax experts to which impressive body, I am afraid and aware, I do not belong. I come from a more modest, and general, area of development, and in the context of this particular meeting, of development finance. In the ten minutes Im given, I set myself two objectives: One is to locate the issue of taxation within the broader compass of development finance; and The second is to flag the issue of private equity and argue the case for the UN to bring it within its mandate for consideration on tax issues. It follows that I have no technical solutions to offer on how private equities might be taxed. The technical aspects are best left to tax experts, once the matter is fully understood (because there are still grey areas to explore in the realm of PEs), and appropriately addressed by the Committee on International Cooperation on Tax Matters, which I hope it does. Globalizations ill winds The debate about globalisation has highlighted both its opportunities and its challenges. However, outside of large countries of the South -- such as Brazil, China and India -- that have been able, under strictly negotiated frameworks, to take advantage of certain aspects of trade and capital liberalisation, the reality for most countries of the South is that globalization has brought more losses than gains, among these: Deindustrialization and informalisation of the economy, Increased dependence on traditional raw material exports, Unemployment and shrinking of real wages, Regional fragmentation (for example, within Africa), and Loss of policy space. On the tax and revenue side: Loss of revenue (for example, in the case of ACP countries trying to salvage preferential regimes which are under threat from the hard positions taken by the European Union), Liberal tax reforms, and Race to the bottom fuelled by competition among developing countries to attract foreign capital. What has driven this process is the fallacy in the dominant economic theoretical paradigm that privileges foreign direct investments (FDI), and global corporations as the engine of economic growth and technology transfer, to the dilution of the role that other economic stakeholders play in the process, including domestic entrepreneurs (or local capital), labour (the working people), the state, the civil society, and the so-called informal sector. This privilegization (sic!) of the global corporate sector (which, incidentally, is also the basis of privatization) is at the root of the trepidation (indeed, fear) that governments in the South experience in making bold policies to generate self-motivated economic development, and in creating bold tax regimes. There is all-pervasive apprehension, for example, that increasing tax rates would drive investments out, and that includes both domestic as well as foreign capital. This explains the timidity of much of tax regimes in the countries of the South. What is required is a paradigm shift that provides a more balanced perspective on the engines of growth, so that the corporate or private sector, whist important and significant, does not enjoy a stranglehold over policy such that governments ignore, or downgrade, the role that other social forces and economic actors play in economic growth in the developing countries. "Normal" tax versus Development Tax In the first place what is needed is a clear distinction between normal tax and development tax. Normal tax, in this context, refers to taxes levied on goods produced domestically (VAT, for example), and on imports (tariffs) primarily for the purpose of raising government revenue. However, an equally important function of taxes is developmental. Its purpose is to encourage or discourage certain kinds of activities, investments, and consumption. Throughout history, going back at least to the 16th century, the present developed or industrialized countries have used subsidies and tariffs as significant tools for development. The neo-liberal ideology of contemporary times, going back to mid-1980s, has sought systematically to deny to the countries of the south those very developmental tools that the industrialized countries have used for centuries for their own development. As astonishing fact is that whilst traditional tools of development (such as subsidies and tariffs) are now denied to the newly emerging economies (under, for example, the WTO-encouraged trade negotiations), the industrialized countries have created and are using new development tools of their own (such as, for example, intellectual property) in order to protect their historically privileged access to knowledge and innovations, and private equity (to encourage certain kinds of investments). What is Private Equity and why tax it Private Equity (PE) is a relatively new instrument of investments that enables its managers to mobilize vast amounts of capital, essentially for the purpose of facilitating leveraged buyouts of companies, and restructuring them with relatively modest surveillance from the state, the public, or tax authorities. It is sometimes confused with Venture Capital (VC), to which it operationally resembles, but whilst VCs generally focus on encouraging investments in new innovations, PEs specialize in mergers, takeovers and buyouts of corporations -- big and small, old and new. What is interesting is that although PE has been around for some 20 years (since mid-1980s), it is only recently that it has caught the attention of revenue authorities and the public at large. Also, like the issue of transfer pricing, it is not on the UN Committees agenda. And the reasons for their exclusion are more political than economic or fiscal. Why has PE evaded public scrutiny for so long? For three reasons: One is that it has taken time for PE as an instrument of investment to mature in comparison to instruments such as venture capital and arbitrage; Second is that the holders of PE, once it became a major force, have been smart in obscuring its reality and impact; And the third, the most important reason, has to do with the circumstances under which the instrument of PE was created. These go back to the 1980s when the United Kingdom and the United States introduced several measures to salvage their respective corporate sectors from multiple crises, including, the first and second fuel crises of the 1970s, increasing pressure from workers for wage demands, and declining profitability. Among measures such as deregulation, privatization, curb on wage demands, and major shift of resources from the public to the private sector, was the creation of Private Equity as a new instrument of boosting the declining fortunes of global private capital. Already, the 1981 Companies Act in the UK had relaxed restrictions on company buy-outs. In the US, the creation in 1982 of the Unlisted Securities Market relaxed criteria for admission in the stock exchange thus facilitating listings for younger companies. But the most important innovation came in the UK in 2003. On the basis of a memorandum of understanding between industry and the tax authorities, profits of PEs were classified as carried interest, and taxed as capital gains rather than as income. The new rules took the form of "taper relief" which limited tax on capital gains to 25% on certain assets held for at least two years, thus lowering the effective rate of tax from 40% to 10%. Other tax rules favouring PEs applied to exchange-traded Venture Capital Trusts invested in private equity funds which provided tax relief on the initial investment, dividends and capital gains. In the US, in addition to lower taxes on capital gains, the rules which had previously prevented investment of savings in high-risk ventures under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA) were relaxed, as well as the reporting requirements for firms conducting private equity management. PEs are thus a relatively unregulated investment arm of corporate capital, plus a few thousand individual billionaires. They are enabled to accumulate wealth, evade taxes on what are essentially profits masquerading as capital gains, and undertake leveraged buyouts of companies that are in distress, restructuring their management, their labour force, and market potential. Under PE, its managers have been able to mobilize astronomical amounts of funds. Whilst its precursor, Venture Capital, mobilized funds in their millions, PEs do so in their billions. Private equity firms across the world raised in excess of $200bn of new investment in 2006 compared with $130bn in 2005, according to Almeida Capital. Increasingly, they are buying companies that are listed on the stock market, such as New Look and Debenhams. In 2006 Woolworths rejected an attempt by private equity firm Apax to buy it. The aim for firms such as Blackstone, Alchemy and Apax is simply to sell the companies in their portfolio at a higher price than they bought. The rewards - if the deals work out - can be staggering. The top brass in the industry can pocket tens of millions of pounds of profit, which is a combination of fees and capital gains. The huge amount of capital that PEs mobilise has enabled Western PE managers to take over of large, innovative, companies in the South. Thus, for example, in 2006 Kohlberg Kravis Roberts (KKR), most famous of American private-equity firms, bought 85% of FSS from its Indian owners, Flextronics, in a potential $100b IT outsourcing market. Actually, there is another side to PEs as well. In more recent years, PEs have also become useful tools in the hands of corporations from the South, as well as some Southern governments, to buy out companies in the North, and (as in the case of China`s purchase of shares in the PE company, Blackstones) as a means of diversifying their overseas portfolios. What the developmental or fiscal impact of this relatively new development is, remains an open-ended question for now. Conclusions and indications for further work by the Committee on International Cooperation on Tax Matters Obviously, the first challenge is to bring the matter of the taxation of PE on to the agenda of the UN Committee. There is likely to be resistance to this, and counter-mobilisation by negatively affected interest groups, especially from the PE stakeholders. However, the lid on this hitherto closed can has opened to public scrutiny in recent months. In the USA and the UK, questions have been raised as to the propriety of relaxed tax regimes for PEs, especially on the issue of why their revenues (or profits) should continue to be treated as capital gains, and hence taxed at lower rates. Now that the debate has opened up, it may be possible to take one step forward and bring it under the purview of the UN Committee of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters. Because of the volatility of capital flows and myriad other ways in which PEs can evade taxes (including tax havens and creative accounting), it is clear that this matter cannot be tackled at the national level only. PEs are only one aspect of a colossal matter of development finance. They cannot be fully regulated unless some other matters are dealt with at the same time, including: Reducing short-term speculation Developing a methodology and indicators for measuring the level and depth of fiscal evasion Resolving problems associated with arbitrage and leveraged buyouts Capital controls and the currency transactions, including controlling exchange rate volatility Finding alternative ways of development finance that are more secure and anchored in domestic savings rather on the volatile global finance markets. The extent to which PEs are genuine development agencies with measurable potential for both the developing countries of the South, as well as for the already industrialized countries of the North. Increasing national policy autonomy for developing countries Financing of development and global public goods Coordinating economic policies and monitoring foreign exchange markets and tax regimes. Finally, there is the vexed question of who should manage the global credit market, and development tax revenues if these should materialize (for example, Currency Transaction Tax), at the global level. One thing should be clear by now. From a development perspective, the Bretton Woods institutions (the IMF and the World bank) have lost credibility. Their development record under the general framework of the Washington Consensus has been disastrous for especially the poorer countries of the South. New ideas are needed to create a more credible framework for global financial architecture -- one that is accountable to more than a few thousand global banking and corporate behemoths. But that takes the matter out of the domain of the UN Committee on Tax Matters, and into that of the General Assembly of the UN itself. REFERENCES: Kaplan, Steven N. and Schoar, Antoinette, Private Equity Performance: Returns, Persistence and Capital Flows, 2003 Paul O'Keeffe, The Rise of the New Conglomerates, 2006 L. Phalippou, Performance of Private Equity Funds, 2007 Andrew Cornford Private Equity, Third World Network, SUNS, July-August 2007. The European Private Equity and Venture Capital Association The Economist, April 22, 2006, Barbarians Go Soft. The Economist, July 5, 2007, The Trouble With Private Equity.     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